(12) In a few NENA languages the fresh preterite out of Category II verbs features an effective vocalism (m)CoCiC- or (m)CuCiC- which has no precursor in the last dialects. Noldeke (1868, 213) recommended your progressive mode is associated with the latest Hebrew pual. Examples: Aradhin mbusille ‘he cooked’ (Krotkoff 1982, 136), Tkhuma mso:re:li ‘I began’, Jilu +poltele ‘he got they out’ (Fox 1992, 54). Forms that have o otherwise u are absent exterior NENA and have in a lot of of one’s NENA languages: Hertevin, Sanandaj Christian, and you may Halabja: Halabja bqirraxun ‘you (pl.) asked’, Hertevin bqerre ‘he asked’ (Jastrow 1988, 206).
(13) The general establish was designated because of the an excellent prefix throughout NENA but Hertevin and also in Mandaic and in Turoyo. The fresh new prefix takes certainly three variations: (a) k- towards the every verbs (state-of-the-art in order to c- in Urmi, prolonged in order to ko- prior to consonants during the Turoyo, plus in Zakho getting grams- prior to a spoken phoneme); (b) k- however, merely to your a restricted category of verbs (with a few voicing intake and frequently other changes too); mejores aplicaciones de citas de ligar otherwise (c) i- towards the every verbs.
Examples: (a) Zakho k-xaze ‘he sees’, g-emir ‘he says’ (Meehan and Alon 1979, 182), Urmi csader ‘he sends’ (Hetzron 1969, 115), Turoyo kohoze ‘he sees’, Tisqopa ksaqIl ‘he takes’ (Rubba, individual telecommunications); (b) Halabja k-ImrIx-wa ‘we would say’, however, doqIx-wa-le ‘we do observe it’, Azerbaijan k-xil ‘he takes, have a tendency to eat’, however, sate ‘he drinks, commonly, get drink’ (Garbell 1965, 66, 67); (c) Aradhin we-zare:los angeles ‘he tills it’ (Krotkoff 1982, 70), Jilu we-napli baro ‘they chase her’ (Fox 1992, 55).
The k- prefix appears to be an endurance of your own prefix qa- out of BT, such as the brand new common qatane ‘he teaches’. elizabeth ‘stands’. In a number of east languages the latest delivery from k- has-been limited to a tiny family of verbs (Garbell 1965, 65). In others, it’s vanished and you can become changed by another prefix i-, and this probably started as the a lower version of we[Theta] ‘there is’.
Examples: Halabja geznawa ta knista ‘I would go to the fresh new synagogue’, Aradhin tla t-sapri ‘to wait’, Jilu zIlli l-yawa zuze tla da kIcca ‘I visited offer money in order to a beneficial girl’, Tisqopa [Theta]e:li ta di-mbaslan ‘I (fem
(14) The brand new verb ‘give’ are yehav inside BT, and you can yav inside Syriac. It’s been remade throughout NENA dialects through the incorporation of the following l- ‘to’. The new crucial, that was hav in the Syriac and you can BT, is actually hal (Noldeke 1868, 256) in most NENA for which I’ve suggestions, but not within the Turoyo or Mandaic.
(15) In every NENA, the fresh new singular crucial out of qyama ‘get up’ has shed their latest m: Aradhin qu (Krotkoff 1982, 145), Sanandaj Religious qu (Panoussi, 110). New plural, not, keeps the newest yards.
(16) Throughout NENA, the newest crucial of (i)zala ‘go’ is actually abnormal: Aradhin quand (Krotkoff 1982, 147), Sanandaj Religious say (Panoussi 119), Jilu se, Jewish Azerbaijani lorsque (Garbell 1965, 285).
(17) Round the NENA, various terms and conditions are utilized once the base to possess reflexive pronouns such as ‘myself’. He could be: ruh- when you look at the Hertevin as well as in Turoyo, nos- about about three easternmost Jewish dialects, and you may gyan- on kept dialects: Hertevin ruhan ‘ourselves’ (Jastrow 1988, 197), Zakho qtala gyane ‘beating himself’ (Meehan and you will Alon 1982, 181), Halabja nosan ‘ourselves’.
So it qa- is actually in itself a beneficial contraction off qa?
(18) A unique preposition definition ‘to’ otherwise ‘for’ which will take the design ta, tla, otherwise tla are prevalent, even if maybe not common, in the NENA, not found in Mandaic otherwise Turoyo. ) came to cook’ (Rubba, personal telecommunications), Zakho cuxa la psIxle darga story ‘no you to definitely unwrapped the entranceway so you’re able to him’ (Meehan and you can Alon 1979, 182).